The week of September 28 to October 5 was the worst for tankers in the Strait of Hormuz since the war began on February 28. Tracking sources counted at least 12 attacks on oil, LPG and LNG carriers in those seven days. The IMO, which is slower to verify, had confirmed nine. The previous worst week, in mid-July, had eight.

Where the ships were hit matters more than how many. Almost every strike in that stretch landed in the southern channel, a few miles off Oman’s coast. That is the lane shipowners moved to in June, when Muscat’s corridor offered a way past Iran’s tolled northern route. It was supposed to be the workaround. Iran is now treating it as a firing range.

American forces hit two Iranian rocket launchers on Larak Island on Sunday. CENTCOM said Revolutionary Guard crews had been observed getting ready to fire rockets carrying sea mines into the strait, and that the launchers were destroyed before they could shoot. Iranian state media reported dead and wounded. The Guards promised punishment for the aggressor. Brent for November went through $90 and WTI moved up near $86 as the news landed in a market that had spent most of last week pricing in a deal.

Speaking to a room of law enforcement officers in Garden City, New York on Friday, President Trump said that once the war with Iran is finished he will be “declaring the Hormuz Strait a territory of the United States.” Then he said the part that matters: “Essentially, that’s what it is. We have the blockade. No ships get through unless we want them to.”

That second sentence tells you what the first one is. This is not a legal claim being prepared somewhere in the State Department. It is a description of the blockade with a word attached to it that the blockade does not earn.

The Pentagon’s inventory problem stopped being a classified worry this week and became a published number. Roughly four fifths of the THAAD interceptor stock is gone against pre-war levels. About half the Patriot stock. Sources with access to the tallies say virtually the entire global holding of long-range precision strike missiles has been fired, along with nearly all the Army’s ATACMS and Precision Strike Missile rounds. Those are not marginal categories. They are the two things the United States needs to force a waterway open and then survive what comes back.

A shipping lane that hugs the Omani coastline is doing something the IRGC cannot tolerate: it lets tankers leave the Persian Gulf without asking Tehran for permission. Oman, working with the International Maritime Organization, has now formalized a temporary, fee-free corridor through the southern half of the Strait of Hormuz, with explicit navigational coordinates issued jointly by Muscat and the IMO. Muscat frames it as freedom-of-navigation housekeeping. For Iran, it is a structural threat to the one piece of leverage the war left it holding.

The Musandam Peninsula is an exclave of Oman separated from the rest of the sultanate by a strip of UAE territory. It juts northward into the Gulf, forming the southern jaw of the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s coastline forms the northern jaw. Between them is the corridor through which the global oil trade flows. Oman is the only country in the world that shares a maritime border with Iran along the strait, and this geographic fact has given the sultanate a diplomatic role that its size and military capacity would not otherwise justify.

The Strait of Hormuz is 90 miles long and between 21 and 55 miles wide. The navigable channel — the portion deep enough for laden very large crude carriers and the other substantial vessels that transit it — is much narrower. Two traffic separation lanes, each approximately two miles wide, handle the inbound and outbound commercial traffic, separated by a two-mile buffer zone. The effective transit corridor for a laden supertanker is therefore something on the order of two miles across, within a strait that appears much wider on maps but that shallow water, islands, and navigational hazards reduce to a constrained passage at the critical point.